【篇一】2021年下半年大學(xué)英語四級閱讀理解匯編
President Arling has put his long awaited economic restructuring program before the Congress. It provides a coordinated program of investment credits, research grants, education reforms, and tax changes designed to make American industry more competitive. This is necessary to reverse the economic slide into unemployment, lack of growth, and trade deficits that have plagued the economy for the past six years.The most liberal wing of the President's party has called for stronger and more direct action. They want an incomes policy to check inflation while federal financing helps rebuild industry behind a wall of protective tariffs.
The Republicans, however, decry even the modest, graduated tax increases in the President’s program. They want tax cuts and more open market. They say if federal money has to be injected into the economy, let it through defence spending.
Both these alternatives ignore the unique nature of the economic problem before us. It is not simply a matter of markets or financing. The new technology allows vastly increased production for those able to master it. But it also threatens those who fail to adopt it with permanent second-class citizenship in the world economy. If an industry cannot lever itself up to the leading stage of technological advances, then it will not be able to compete effectively. If it cannot do this, no amount of government protectionism or access to foreign markets can keep it profitable for long. Without the profits and experience of technological excellence to reinvest, that industry can only fall still further behind its foreign competitors.
So the crux is the technology and that is where the President’s program focused. The danger is not that a plan will not be passed, it is that the ideologues of right and left will distort the bill with amendments that will blur its focus on technology. The economic restructuring plan should be passed intact. If we fail to restructure our economy now, we may not get a second chance.
1. The focus of the President's program is on
[A] investment.
[B] economy.
[C] technology.
[D] tax.
2. What is the requirement of the most liberal wing of the Democratic-party?
[A] They want a more direct action.
[B] They want an incomes policy to check inflation.
[C] They want to rebuild industry.
[D] They want a wall of protective tariffs.
3. What is the editor's attitude?
[A] support.
[B] distaste.
[C] Disapproval.
[D] Compromise.
4. The danger to the plan lies in
[A] the two parties' objection.
[B] different idea of the two parties about the plan.
[C] its passage.
[D] distortion.
5. The passage is
[A] a review.
[B] a preface.
[C] a advertisement.
[D] an editorial.
Vocabulary
1. reverse 逆轉(zhuǎn)
2. slide 滑坡
3. plague 瘟疫;折磨，困擾
4. tariff 關(guān)稅
5. decry 譴責(zé)，詆毀
6. lever 杠桿;用杠桿撬動
7. crux 癥結(jié)
8. ideologue 空想家，思想家
9. intact 原封不動的，完整無損的
10. investment credit 投資信貸
11. research grant 研究基金
難句譯注
1. This is necessary to reverse the economic slide into unemployment, lack of growth, and trade deficits that have plagued the economy for the past six years.
【參考譯文】這對扭轉(zhuǎn)經(jīng)濟(jì)滑坡;滑到失業(yè)高，增長少和已經(jīng)困擾經(jīng)濟(jì)達(dá)6年之久貿(mào)易赤字來說是必要的。
寫作方法與文章大意
這是一則有關(guān)總統(tǒng)向國會提交的經(jīng)濟(jì)計(jì)劃評論。作者采用對比手法來突出其計(jì)劃之正確性，第一段就講了計(jì)劃的涉及面：投資、研究、教育、稅收等，目的是制止經(jīng)濟(jì)滑坡，提高美國工業(yè)競爭力。
第二、三兩段敘述了計(jì)劃遭兩方面的反對，總統(tǒng)黨內(nèi)的右翼要求更強(qiáng)硬，更直接的行動，而共和黨對即使逐漸稍稍提高一點(diǎn)稅收都予以譴責(zé)。
第四段提出兩者都忽略我們面臨經(jīng)濟(jì)問題的獨(dú)特性質(zhì)。它不是市場或財(cái)政問題。掌握新技術(shù)的人大量增產(chǎn)，而不能采用新技術(shù)的人面臨在世界經(jīng)濟(jì)中成為二等公民的危險(xiǎn)。工業(yè)不能達(dá)到先進(jìn)水平，就不能有效地競爭，那么任何保護(hù)主義或進(jìn)入外國市場都不能長期奏效。沒有技術(shù)優(yōu)勢的經(jīng)驗(yàn)和利潤的再投資，工業(yè)經(jīng)濟(jì)只能依然落后于外國競爭對手。
最后一段點(diǎn)出總統(tǒng)計(jì)劃的要點(diǎn)就是工藝技術(shù)。作者提出：要求全面通過這一重新建設(shè)計(jì)劃。如果我們不能重建經(jīng)濟(jì)，我們可能不會有第二次機(jī)會。
答案詳解
1. C 工藝技術(shù)。最后一段第一句“問題的癥結(jié)就在于工藝技術(shù)，這就是總統(tǒng)計(jì)劃的要點(diǎn)所在。”第四段：“對掌握新技術(shù)的人來說，新技術(shù)使他們大大增產(chǎn)，而新技術(shù)對不能掌握它的人來說，在世界經(jīng)濟(jì)中他們面臨淪為永久性的二等公民的危險(xiǎn)。如果不能做到這一點(diǎn)，那么任何政府保護(hù)主義，進(jìn)入國際市場都不能有效地競爭。如果不能有技術(shù)優(yōu)勢的利潤和經(jīng)驗(yàn)再投資，工業(yè)只能進(jìn)一步落后于國外競爭對手�！边@些都說明總統(tǒng)計(jì)劃的重點(diǎn)再工藝技術(shù)。A.投資。D.稅收。只是總統(tǒng)計(jì)劃的涉及面。B.經(jīng)濟(jì)。太籠統(tǒng)了。
2. A 更直接行動。第二段“總統(tǒng)的黨內(nèi)幾段自由翼要求更強(qiáng)硬、更直接行動。他們要求用收入(稅收)政策來制止通貨膨脹;聯(lián)邦財(cái)政在關(guān)稅保護(hù)下，幫助重建工業(yè)。”B.他們需要制止通貨膨脹。C.重建工業(yè)。D.保護(hù)關(guān)稅墻。都只是他們要求中的不分內(nèi)容，不完整。
3. A支持。第四、五段集中了評論者的觀點(diǎn)，支持的理由和論點(diǎn)。B.厭惡。C.不贊成。D.調(diào)和妥協(xié)。
4. D歪曲。最后一段第二句：“其危險(xiǎn)不在于計(jì)劃將不被通過，而在于左和右的思想理論家們用修正案來歪曲提案，使計(jì)劃要點(diǎn)蒙塵模糊不清，經(jīng)濟(jì)重建計(jì)劃應(yīng)原封不動地通過�！边@是作者的態(tài)度，也是他所擔(dān)心之處。A.兩黨的反對。B.兩黨對計(jì)劃的不同看法。C.它的通過。
5. D 社論。A.評論。社論也是評論的一種，但它是報(bào)紙主編所撰，常常是有關(guān)國內(nèi)外大事評論。B.前言。C.廣告。
【篇二】2021年下半年大學(xué)英語四級閱讀理解匯編
(Clinton Is Right)President Clinton’s decision on Apr.8 to send Chinese Premier Zhu Rongji packing without an agreement on China’s entry into the World Trade Organization seemed to be a massive miscalculation. The President took a drubbing from much of the press, which had breathlessly reported that a deal was in the bag. The Cabinet and Whit House still appeared divided, and business leaders were characterized as furious over the lost opportunity. Zhu charged that Clinton lacked “the courage” to reach an accord. And when Clinton later telephoned the angry Zhu to pledge a renewed effort at negotiations, the gesture was widely portrayed as a flip-flop.
In fact, Clinton made the right decision in holding out for a better WTO deal. A lot more horse trading is needed before a final agreement can be reached. And without the Administration’s goal of a “bullet-proof agreement” that business lobbyists can enthusiastically sell to a Republican Congress, the whole process will end up in partisan acrimony that could harm relations with China for years.
THE HARD PART. Many business lobbyists, while disappointed that the deal was not closed, agree that better terms can still be had. And Treasury Secretary Robert E. Rubin, National Economic Council Director Gene B. Sperling, Commerce Secretary William M. Daley, and top trade negotiator Charlene Barshefsky all advised Clinton that while the Chinese had made a remarkable number of concessions, “we’re not there yet,” according to senior officials.
Negotiating with Zhu over the remaining issues may be the easy part. Although Clinton can signal U.S. approval for China’s entry into the WTO himself, he needs Congress to grant Beijing permanent most-favored-nation status as part of a broad trade accord. And the temptation for meddling on Capital Hill may prove over-whelming. Zhu had barely landed before Senate Majority Leader Trent Lott (R-Miss) declared himself skeptical that China deserved entry into the WTO. And Senators Jesse A. Helms (R-N.C.) and Emest F. Hollings (D-S. C.) promised to introduce a bill requiring congressional approval of any deal.
The hidden message from these three textile-state Southerners: Get more protection for the U. S. clothing industry. Hoping to smooth the way, the Administration tried, but failed, to budge Zhu on textiles. Also left in the lurch: Wall Street, Hollywood, and Detroit. Zhu refused to open up much of the lucrative Chinese securities market and insisted on “cultural” restrictions on American movies and music. He also blocked efforts to allow U. S. auto makers to provide fleet financing.
BIG JOB. Already, business lobbyists are blanketing Capitol Hill to presale any eventual agreement, but what they’ve heard so far isn’t encouraging. Republicans, including Lott, say that “the time just isn’t right” for the deal. Translation: We’re determined to make it look as if Clinton has capitulated to the Chinese and is ignoring human, religious, and labor rights violations; the theft of nuclear-weapons technology; and the sale of missile parts to America’s enemies. Beijing’s fierce critics within the Democratic Party, such as Senator Paul D. Wellstone of Minnesota and House Minority leader Richard A. Gephardt of Missouri, won’t help, either.
Just how tough the lobbying job on Capitol Hill will be become clear on Apr. 20, when Rubin lectured 19chief executives on the need to discipline their Republican allies. With business and the White House still trading charges over who is responsible for the defeat of fast-track trade negotiating legislation in 1997, working together won’t be easy.
And Republicans—with a wink—say that they’ll eventually embrace China’s entry into the WTO as a favor to Corporate America. Though not long before they torture Clinton. But Zhu is out on a limb, and if Congress overdoes the criticism, he may be forced by domestic critics to renege. Business must make this much dear to both its GOP allies and the Whit House: This historic deal is too important to risk losing to any more partisan squabbling
1. The main idea of this passage is
[A]. The Contradiction between the DemocraticParty and the Republican Party.
[B]. On China’s entry into WTO.
[C]. Clinton was right.
[D]. Business Lobbyists Control Capitol Hill.
2. What does the sentence “Also left in the lurch: Wall Street, Hollywood, Detroit” convey?
[A]. Premier Zhu rejected their requirements.
[B]. The three places overdid criticism.
[C]. They wanted more protection.
[D]. They are in trouble.
3. What was the attitude of the Republican Party toward China’s entry into the WTO?
[A]. Contradictory. [B].Appreciative.
[C]. Disapproving. [D]. Detestful.
4. Who plays the leading part in the deal in America?
[A]. White House . [B]. Republicans.
[C]. The Democratic Party. [D]. Businessmen.
5. It can be inferred from the passage that
[A]. America will make concessions.
[B]. America will hold out for a better WTO
[C]. Clinton has the right to signal U. S. approval for China’s entry.
[D]. Democratic party approve China’s entry into the WTO.
【篇三】2021年下半年大學(xué)英語四級閱讀理解匯編
In some countries where racial prejudice is acute, violence has so come to be taken for granted as a means of solving differences, that it is not even questioned. There are countries where the white man imposes his rule by brute force; there are countries where the black man protests by setting fire to cities and by looting and pillaging. Important people on both sides, who would in other respects appear to be reasonable men, get up and calmly argue in favor of violence as if it were a legitimate solution, like any other. What is really frightening, what really fills you with despair, is the realization that when it comes to the crunch, we have made no actual progress at all. We may wear collars and ties instead of war-paint, but our instincts remain basically unchanged. The whole of the recorded history of the human race, that tedious documentation of violence, has taught us absolutely nothing. We have still not learnt that violence never solves a problem but makes it more acute. The sheer horror, the bloodshed, the suffering mean nothing. No solution ever comes to light the morning after when we dismally contemplate the smoking ruins and wonder what hit us.The truly reasonable men who know where the solutions lie are finding it harder and herder to get a hearing. They are despised, mistrusted and even persecuted by their own kind because they advocate such apparently outrageous things as law enforcement. If half the energy that goes into violent acts were put to good use, if our efforts were directed at cleaning up the slums and ghettos, at improving living-standards and providing education and employment for all, we would have gone a long way to arriving at a solution. Our strength is sapped by having to mop up the mess that violence leaves in its wake. In a well-directed effort, it would not be impossible to fulfill the ideals of a stable social programme. The benefits that can be derived from constructive solutions are everywhere apparent in the world around us. Genuine and lasting solutions are always possible, providing we work within the framework of the law.
Before we can even begin to contemplate peaceful co-existence between the races, we must appreciate each other’s problems. And to do this, we must learn about them: it is a simple exercise in communication, in exchanging information."Talk, talk, talk," the advocates of violence say, "all you ever do is talk, and we are none the wiser." It's rather like the story of the famous barrister who painstakingly explained his case to the judge. After listening to a lengthy argument the judge complained that after all this talk, he was none the wiser. ‘Possible, my lord,’ the barrister replied, "none the wiser, but surely far better informed." Knowledge is the necessary prerequisite to wisdom: the knowledge that violence creates the evils it pretends to solve.
1. What is the best title for this passage?
[A] Advocating Violence.
[B] Violence Can Do Nothing to Diminish Race Prejudice.
[C] Important People on Both Sides See Violence As a Legitimate Solution.
[D] The Instincts of Human Race Are Thirsty for Violence.
2. Recorded history has taught us
[A] violence never solves anything.
[B] nothing.
[C] the bloodshed means nothing.
[D] everything.
3. It can be inferred that truly reasonable men
[A] can't get a hearing.
[B] are looked down upon.
[C] are persecuted.
[D] Have difficulty in advocating law enforcement.
4. "He was none the wiser" means
[A] he was not at all wise in listening.
[B] He was not at all wiser than nothing before.
[C] He gains nothing after listening.
[D] He makes no sense of the argument.
5. According the author the best way to solve race prejudice is
[A] law enforcement.
[B] knowledge.
[C] nonviolence.
[D] Mopping up the violent mess.
【篇四】2021年下半年大學(xué)英語四級閱讀理解匯編
The Norwegian Government is doing its best to keep the oil industry under control. A new law limits exploration to an area south of the southern end of the long coastline; production limits have been laid down (though these have already been raised); and oil companies have not been allowed to employ more than a limited number of foreign workers. But the oil industry has a way of getting over such problems, and few people believe that the Government will be able to hold things back for long. As on Norwegian politician said last week: “We will soon be changed beyond all recognition.”Ever since the war, the Government has been carrying out a programme of development in the area north of the Arctic Circle. During the past few years this programme has had a great deal of success: Tromso has been built up into a local capital with a university, a large hospital and a healthy industry. But the oil industry has already started to draw people south, and within a few years the whole northern policy could be in ruins.
The effects of the oil industry would not be limited to the north, however. With nearly 100 percent employment, everyone can see a situation developing in which the service industries and the tourist industry will lose more of their workers to the oil industry. Some smaller industries might even disappear altogether when it becomes cheaper to buy goods from abroad.
The real argument over oil is its threat to the Norwegian way of life. Farmers and fishermen do not make up most of the population, but they are an important part of it, because Norwegians see in them many of the qualities that they regard with pride as essentially Norwegian. And it is the farmers and the fishermen who are most critical of the oil industry because of the damage that it might cause to the countryside and to the sea.
1. The Norwegian Government would prefer the oil industry to
[A] provide more jobs for foreign workers.
[B] slow down the rate of its development.
[C] sell the oil it is producing abroad.
[D] develop more quickly than at present.
2. The Norwegian Government has tried to
[A] encourage the oil companies to discover new oil sources.
[B] prevent oil companies employing people from northern Norway.
[C] help the oil companies solve many of their problems.
[D] keep the oil industry to something near its present size.
3. According to the passage, the oil industry might lead northern Norway to
[A] the development of industry.
[B] a growth in population.
[C] the failure of the development programme.
[D] the development of new towns.
4. In the south, one effect to the development of the oil industry might be
[A] a large reduction on unemployment.
[B] a growth in the tourist industry.
[C] a reduction in the number of existing industries.
[D] the development of a number of service industries.
5. Norwegian farmers and fishermen have an important influence because
[A] they form such a large part of Norwegian ideal.
[B] their lives and values represent the Norwegian ideal.
[C] their work is so useful to the rest of Norwegian society.
[D] they regard oil as a threat to the Norwegian way of life.
Vocabulary
1. Norwegian 挪威的;挪威人
2. coastline 海岸線
3. recognition 承認(rèn);認(rèn)識;贊賞
4. countryside 鄉(xiāng)下;鄉(xiāng)民
難句譯注
1. A new law limits exploration to an area south of the southern end of the long coastline; production limits have been laid down (though these have already been raised); and oil companies have not been allowed to employ more than a limited number of foreign workers.
【結(jié)構(gòu)簡析】用兩個(gè)分號連接三句句子。
【參考譯文】一條新的法律限制人們僅在長長的海岸線南端以南地區(qū)進(jìn)行勘探考察;規(guī)定了石油生產(chǎn)限量(雖然已提高);石油公司雇傭外國工人不許超出限定額。
2. With nearly 100 percent employment, everyone can see a situation developing in which the service industries and the tourist industry will lose more of their workers to the oil industry.
【參考譯文】由于將近百分之一百就業(yè)率，每個(gè)人都能看出形式發(fā)展中服務(wù)行業(yè)和旅游 行業(yè)的大部分工人會跑到石油工業(yè)方面去。
3. Farmers and fishermen do not make up most of the population, but they are an important part of it, because Norwegians see in them many of the qualities that they regard with pride as essentially Norwegian.
【結(jié)構(gòu)簡析】復(fù)合句。在because狀語從句中that是定語從句修飾qualities。
【參考譯文】雖然農(nóng)民和漁民并不占人口的絕大多數(shù)，可是他們都是人口的重要組成不分，因?yàn)榕餐嗽谒麄兩砩峡吹皆S多他們自豪地認(rèn)為是挪威人的基本品質(zhì)。
寫作方法與文章大意
文章論述“挪威政府意欲控制石油工業(yè)”。采用對比寫法。先提出政府新政策的種種限制。但石油工業(yè)有辦法對付。人們都認(rèn)為限制難以長久。其次講述，從戰(zhàn)時(shí)起，挪威政府一直執(zhí)行開發(fā)北極圈北部地區(qū)的發(fā)展規(guī)劃，也取得成功。但石油工業(yè)已經(jīng)開始向南方進(jìn)軍，北方政策可能會失敗。石油工業(yè)之影響超出北方，有些企業(yè)縮小，減少。最后一段是講爭論的焦點(diǎn)：石油對挪威生活方式構(gòu)成了威脅，具體表現(xiàn)在對挪威理想的代表――漁民和農(nóng)民的威脅。
答案詳解
1. B 減慢發(fā)展速率。文章開始就闡明挪威政府正竭盡全力把石油工業(yè)控制起來，制定新法律來限制勘探開采，限制產(chǎn)量，限制雇傭外國工人人數(shù)。A. 為外國工人提供更多的工作。C.賣掉正在國外生產(chǎn)的石油。D.比現(xiàn)在發(fā)展更快。
2. D 使石油工業(yè)保持在接近現(xiàn)在的規(guī)模。A. 鼓勵(lì)石油公司去發(fā)現(xiàn)新石油資源。B.制止石油公司雇傭來自挪威北方的人。C.幫助石油公司解決許多問題。
3. C 發(fā)展規(guī)劃的失敗。這在第二段最后一句：“可是石油工業(yè)已經(jīng)開始把人們吸引到南方去，所以不出幾年，整個(gè)北方政策可能成泡影�！盇.工業(yè)發(fā)展。B.人口增長。D.新城市的發(fā)展。文內(nèi)沒有涉及。
4. C 現(xiàn)存工業(yè)數(shù)的減少。第三段開始“可是石油工業(yè)的影響并不僅僅限于北方。近百分之一百的就業(yè)率，使每個(gè)人都見到發(fā)展的勢頭，服務(wù)業(yè)和旅游業(yè)的好多工人轉(zhuǎn)向石油工業(yè)。某些較小的工業(yè)，在從國外購進(jìn)貨物更便宜的情況下，很可能會全部消失�！边@說明工業(yè)數(shù)減少。A.大大減少失業(yè)。B.旅游 行業(yè)增長。D.許多服務(wù)公司發(fā)展。文內(nèi)沒有提。
5. B 他們的生活和價(jià)值代表了挪威人的理想。A.他們組成了那么大一部分挪威理想。C.他們的工作對挪威社會的其他方面非常有用。D.他們認(rèn)為石油是對挪威生活方式的威脅。最后一段第一句話：“對石油真正的爭論點(diǎn)是它對挪威生活方式的一種威脅�！辈⒉皇撬麄冋J(rèn)為威脅。
